As is our habit when we visit our con Chris in Puerto
Vallarta, we first check into the hotel Villa La Estancia for a few days of
luxury relaxation. There was an innovation this year in the breakfast
restaurant: quesadillas with hand-made tortillas, with cheese and a choice (or
combination) of mushrooms, spinach, tinga de pollo (chicken in a sauce
of tomatoes and smoked chiles), or birria. The latter is a western
Mexico speciality of beef, goat or lamb, cooked for two to three hours in a
marinade of chile ancho and guajillo, garlic, cumin, oregano, thyme, black
pepper, cloves, cinnamon, bay leaf and vinegar. It is hearty and absolutely
delicious.
Chatting to Yolanda, who made our breakfast to order, I
discovered that she was born in Chilpancingo, the state capital of Guerrero
(and the place where Mexico’s first constitution was drafted) seven years after
I had stayed there for a couple of months to consult the state archives. We
reminisced about Chilpancingo’s culinary speciality, pozole. Everyday white
posole is made from long-cooked hominy, pork, garlic, onion, bay leaf, oregano,
pepper and salt, and served with lettuce, radish, avocado, oregano and lime.
But the truly special pozole is the green pozole made only on jueves
pozoleros (pozole Thursdays), flavoured with fewer herbs and spices, but
with that all-Mexican herb epazote, and with tomate, which in English we
call either green tomato or tomatillos, and jalapeños.
 |
| Yolanda making quesadillas. |
Our conversation reminded me of a long afternoon sharing
local mezcal and quantities of pozole verde with a colleague from the
Autonomous University of Guerrero. The pozole was delicious, the mezcal too
copious, and our fellow diners included anybody who was anybody in
Chilpancingo.
Apart from the rather mundane mornings spent in the
archives, I was trying to make contact with the Figueroa family, whose
ancestors had been important figures in the state during the Revolution of 1910-1920.
Indeed, they had continued to be important players in state politics, and Rubén
Figueroa Figueroa had recently been elected governor. The governor was, to say
the least, a colourful figure. He was one of the breed of rough and tough
gun-toting politicians who had ruled Guerrero not at all well for half a
century. The most spectacular episode of his career had been his capture by the
guerrilla band of Lucio Cabañas. Figueroa had hoped to persuade Cabañas to give
up his armed struggle in return for ‘election’ to remunerative political
office. However, instead of pulling off a political coup de théâtre,
Figueroa found himself held captive until all political prisoners in Mexico
were released. Cabaña’s bands methods were rather haphazard, and on one
occasion the corpulent governor-elect had managed to walk away from his
captors, only to be recaptured. Finally, the band was betrayed and caught in an
army ambush. In the midst of the firefight, Figueroa walked over to the army
side and demanded to be given a gun with words to the effect of ‘so I can shoot
the bastards.’
I had tried to meet the governor in Acapulco, but was told
that he was fishing with the Shah of Iran. In Chilpancingo, however, I managed
to make the acquaintance of the governor’s cousin, Arturo Figueroa Uriza, the
family historian and guardian of their archive. Arturo refused my request to
have access to the archive, arguing that all that was in the archive was in his
book Ciudadanos en Armas (Citizens in Arms). I tried to gain
access to the archive through another cousin, Jesús Figueroa, who lived in the
family’s home town, Huitzuco (now known in full as Huitzuco de los Figueroa)
and made wine there. But he asked me what I was interested in. When I replied
‘The social background of the followers’ of his relatives, hoping to allay
fears that I might be digging for dirt, he responded that the archives
contained no such material. The Figueroas guarded their past carefully, so I
never was allowed to see a single document, except for a few which were in the
national archives, beyond family control.
However, don Arturo offered to introduce me to the governor.
We found him meeting the people who brought their petitions hoping that the
governor would take up their case. Anybody of importance who happened not to be
the governor’s enemy need not queue up, but ordinary citizens (almost all
small-scale farmers) had to wait their turn. I was taken straight to the front
of the queue, where I found the governor, a corpulent man dressed in a white
guayabera shirt. He was flanked by two other rotund gents wearing guayaberas;
the greatest living poets in the state I was told.
We talked about the governor’s rescue by the army and he
invited me to a seminar of the mayors of the state’s largest cities to discuss
municipal finance. Guerrero’s main problem is poverty and an economy and
political system structured so as to keep the majority impoverished. In the
context of the seminar, a secondary problem was the number of tiny
municipalities. The population of each is too small and too poor to pay much in
taxes, so the governor commented that, except in the larger municipalities,
such as Chilpancingo or Acapulco, they lacked sufficient budget even to buy
pencils. Nevertheless, locals often jealously and forcefully guarded the
autonomy of their municipalities, despite the fact that they did very little to
benefit their tax payers.
In these circumstances, I was often impressed by how
resourcefully the people of Guerrero could manage to improve their lives with
very little (or no) support from those who were “elected” to govern them. I
recall being asked by the head teacher of a politically radical secondary
school in Acapulco to give a presentation to a class about the history of their
state. The head’s office was equipped with a desk, a couple of chairs and a
filing cabinet, as minimal as the office of the mayor of Buenavista de Cuéllar,
far to the north of the state, who I once visited. But the head’s room was
palatial compared to the classrooms.
Looking at the class, I was struck by the footprint of the
history of enslaved Africans on the coast: many of these young men and women
had much darker skins than fellow Mexicans descended from the ancient peoples
of Mexico. When I had finished my talk, the students were not interested in the
history of their state; they wanted to ask me questions about my own country.
In response to a student who asked what the police in the UK were like I
answered that “en mi país los policías no tienen pistola”, meaning that they
were unarmed. This remark caused such hilarity that the head decided to end the
class there; in local slang a pistola was a penis, and I had told these
young people that British police officers don’t have any.
As I reminisced with Yolanda, she commented that many say
that the people of Guerrero are bad and violent. We both agreed that this is an
unjust stereotype. This reminded me of a conversation with Margarita Zavala,
wife of the president of Mexico, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. The occasion was the
private view of an exhibition in 2010 about Moctezuma Xocoyotzin at the British
Museum to mark the 200th anniversary of the beginning of Mexico’s
war of independence. Noticing that Margarita was alone after giving her speech
in English, my friends Dudley and Silvia Ankerson and I introduced ourselves to
her. She was very keen to be reassured that her English was up to scratch. We
assured her that it was excellent, and Silvia complimented her on her elegant rebozo
(a Mexican stole). When my friends commented that I had studied the history of
Guerrero, the First Lady commented “Un pobre estado con muchos problemas” (a
poor state with many problems). Quite what her husband was doing to solve the
problems of Guerrero she did not say.
Guerrero’s current predicament as one of Mexico’s most
violent states is in some ways a historical conundrum. In pre-Columbian times
the region had abundant resources of cotton, coffee and metals, all much in
demand. The indigenous communities fared reasonably well. Spanish law gave the
indigenous some useful privileges and protections. They paid no sales tax,
could not be tried by the Inquisition for heresy, and were left to govern most
of their own affairs. The best-placed municipalities were able to accumulate
substantial community funds and to defend many of their cultural practices,
their land and treasured documents.
Then came the Bourbons followed by Independence. The
Bourbons, hard up for cash, “asked” for loans from village funds. Independence
piled on the problems. The Liberals who led the movement to free Mexico from
Spanish rule decried the supposedly infantilizing protections and privileges given
the Indians under Spanish rule: they must have the full rights and
responsibilities of all Mexicans and pay taxes like everybody else. And the
Liberals deplored the communal property of indigenous towns as “la mano muerta”
(the dead hand) that stifled economic development. Instead, village lands were
to become private property on the open market, and thus, coincidentally,
available for non-indigenous Liberal thinkers to snap them up and accumulate
capital. This process was sometimes resisted determinedly and violently by
communities in the mountains of Guerrero; ironically, the only ruler to try to
help them retain their land was the Austrian-born emperor Maximilian I, only
for disamortization as it was called to be pursued with greater vigour by the
government of the national Liberal hero Benito Juárez (himself an indigenous
person) and his successors.
The revolutionary regimes after 1920 distributed land to
many communities, an initiative to which the Figueroas were opposed. However,
this was not ownership by the community, but rather a highly
conditional tenure controlled by federal law and politicians. True, clinics and
schools appeared in small towns and villages, but politicians focused on grand
initiatives that did little to ease rural poverty. Meanwhile fortunes were made
in tourism, the only modern sector of Guerrero’s economy, in Acapulco and Itztapa
Zihuatanejo. Oh, and the Figueroas came to control some key sectors of the
state’s economy, notably passenger and goods transport.
And most recently, crime syndicates have seized control of
much of the state and have suborned local politicians. Those who do not submit
to the demands of organized crime pay with their lives. So the hardworking and
long-suffering people of Guerrero live in poverty and insecurity.