I am writing again
about Mexican politics, because one recent Sunday evening we met the local
candidate for the federal congress of the MORENA party of Andrés Manuel López
Obrador (AMLO).
The candidate was meeting voters in the plaza at the end of the
street. Her name is Yolanda Guerrrero Barrera. She is the regional officer of
STASPE, the federal workers’s union. She told me that she had studied for a law
degree but had been unable to complete her studies, and had later acquired an
accounting qualification. Yolanda told me that she has never held public office
before, in contrast to her PRI rival, whom she clearly regards as her principal
opponent: I think her chances are slim, but she seemed positive and energetic.
Yolanda Guerrero Barrera with her election certificate |
In July Mexicans elect
their new President, who will take office in November. If the polls are to be
believed the next President will be AMLO.
On the local level the
smiling face that beams at us from most billboards is that of Toño Ixtláhuac,
who stands for “A strong Michoacán with a future”.
Mexico is a federal
republic. Under the 1917 constitution, the President is elected for a single
term of six years. State Governors and Federal Senators also serve six-year
terms. Diputados (congresswomen/men), state legislators and Presidentes
Municipales (mayors of towns, large and small) are elected for three years.
All are limited to a single term: nobody can hold the same elected office more
than once, but they can (and do) hold many different elected offices in
succession. The reason for the single term limits lies deep in the history of
the Mexican Revolution: once the great dictator Porfirio Díaz had been toppled
in 1911, no politician in the land dare ignore the revolutionary slogan “A free
vote and no reelection.”
At least no politician
dare contravene the “no reelection” part. The”free vote” has been much less
well observed. From roughly 1930 to 2000, the election of the President was
theoretically achieved by a free vote of the people. In practice, the ruling
party (PRI: Insitutional Revolutionary Party) saved
the people from excessive
choice by selecting the new President through an elaborate mechanism of
internal negotiation and alliance-making. Ambitious candidates, business groups,
union leaders, peasant confederations and the like jostled behind the scenes,
finally to declare themselves enthusiastic supporters of the chosen candidate.
The destape (“unveiling”) of the President-to-be was a national guessing
game.
A cartoon destape |
The system worked well
for many decades. Mexico developed a relatively modern economy and, compared to
other Latin American countries, enjoyed a degree of freedom, and an absence of
nasty military rulers. However, by 1968 the system was under strain. In the
year that Mexico hosted the Olympic Games, students decided to protest the
limits of freedom in Mexico. The protests, conducted in disciplined silence,
came to a violent end on the Night of Tlatelolco, October 1968. Students gathered
in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas (“Square of the Three Cultures”, on
the site of the ancient city of Tlatelolco) were ambushed by the Mexican army.
Nobody knows how many died. Many were arrested. Others went into hiding.
For a time ,the regime
remained strong enough to destapar (“unveil”) as the new President from
1970 to 1976 Luis Echeverría Álvarez, the organizer of the Tlatelolco massacre.
However, on the night of the July 1988 elections, the counting system
mysteriously crashed. The reason was simple.
The Mexican people had done
something unprecedented: they had exercised their free vote to elect the
opposition candidate Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas of Michoacán. When the system was
restored to its proper working order, the people had, after all, chosen the
PRI’s destapado Carlos Salinas de Gortari.
Luis Echeverría Álvarez |
In 2000, Vicente Fox,
of the conservative opposition Partido Acción Nacional (National Action
Party: PAN), was elected. A new democratic dawn seemed about to brighten
Mexican public life. However, like a time traveller arriving from a distant
past, I have been observing the political scene from our provincial city: and
it seems strangely familiar. Enrique Peña Nieto, a young and photogenic
politican from the populous State of Mexico, brought the PRI back to power.
However, the whiffs of corruption and cronyism, and a lack of solutions for
Mexico’s social problems, have left many disenchanted with the PRI’s return.
Toño Ixtláhuac |
This brings us back to
the smiling Toño, 38 years old and currently a federal Congressman. To judge
from his congressional photo and press images, the designer of Toño’s billboard
decided to make him still younger. Billboard Toño is rather fairer of
complexion, his hair less coarse, his teeth a radiant white.
Toño made a good start
to his political career. He has been a state congressman in Michoacán and Presidente
Municipal of Zitácuaro. He is very well connected: if he is elected he will
replace his uncle in the Senate. However, Toño’s past is not quite as bight and
shiny as his billboard image. In 2009 the Procurador General de la Nación
(“Federal Prosecutor”) imprisoned him, accused of receiving 300,000 pesos
(about £12,000) per month from drug gangs. Later, he was barred from office for
three years in connection with the unexplained disappearance from the coffers
of Zitácuaro of 12 million pesos (roughly £450,000). Fortunately, Toño was able
to persuade a civil tribunal that he was only active as Presidente Municipal
for a few months and was absent when the financial shorfall occurred.
Sergio's billboard |
The candidate for the
Federal Congress district that includes Zamora is Sergio Flores,whose slogan is:
Juntos podemos, experiencia, compromiso y juventud (“Together we can,
experience, commitment and youth”). Sergio is a native of Zamora and has a
master’s degree in political law, public administration, prosecution and
administration of justice. He is also the son of a powerful Zamoran PRI
politician known locally as el pollo (“the chicken”). Sergio, in turn,
is el pollito (the little chicken). He started his political career as
the Michoacán manager of LICONSA, a federal agency that distributes low cost
milk to poor communities. In short, like Toño, Sergio is a scion of a powerful
local PRI family. He seems to be campaigning vigorously: meeting business groups, visiting
factories, calling on market traders in the Mercado Hidalgo, and so on. We have
seen Sergio’s pubilicity van touring our neighbourhood, and he and Toño
dominate the billboards.
Since I have
not been entirely complimentary about PRI politicians, in the interests of
balance I should mention that Zamora’s most famous son (possibly
second-most-famous if we include the footballer Rafael Márquez) was Alfonso
García Robles, a diplomat and PRI politician, given the Nobel Peace Prize in
1982. He was a delegate to the founding meeting of the UN. His greatest
achievement was the Treaty of Tlatelolco which, in 1967, established a nuclear
free zone in Latin America and the Caribbean (the Cuban Missile Crisis had
happened only five years previously).
The other
Mexican recipient of a Nobel prize, in this case for literature in 1990, was
the poet and diplomat Octavio Paz. In 1945 he published an essay entitled El
Laberinto de la Soledad (“The Labyrinth of Solitude”) a wonderfully
insightful discussion of Mexican culture and society. One of the most
entertaining passages is his discussion of the immensely rich use of the verb chingar
in Mexican Spanish. Those curious to know more must read the book (there is an
English translation). I heartily recommend it.
A 2019 Update
I was wrong
about Yolanda Guerrrero Barrera’s
chances. She won her seat. Indeed MORENA swept the bopard in Zamora, winning
all the office up for election. AMLO is now president. He won a landslide and
now plays a strong political hand. It is too early to judge how well he plays
it.
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